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Ten of the tribes accounted for over half of this total. For purposes of comparison, in the Class III Indian gaming facilities casino-type gaming generated about the same total amount in gaming revenues as the 12 Atlantic City casinos, and surpassed them in Of these facilities, 8 accounted for almost half of the total revenues.
This uneven distribution of revenue earned by individual casinos is similar to that of the industry in Nevada, where a handful of the licensed casinos account for the bulk of the gambling revenues, and unlike that of the Atlantic City casinos, which are far more equal in their share of the local business.
It need be noted that there is no regular, comprehensive reporting of income, expenditures, etc. Many of the figures in the public literature ascribed to Indian gaming are estimates based on dubious statistics.
The most reliable information comes from a General Accounting Office GAO study in which reported accurate data for the first time. No ongoing reporting source of accurate information is as yet in place.
In addition to purposes such as regulating an industry recently brought into existence and beyond the reach of state regulators, IGRA's proponents wanted to use gambling as a means of providing money for financing tribal governments, which often had little or no tax base, and also as part of a general effort to promote the economic self-sufficiency of the tribes.
For this and other reasons, the IRS has determined that for purposes of income taxation, the gambling income of the Indian tribes and their federally-chartered corporations the form casinos usually take are not subject to federal income tax.
Some tribes have chosen to distribute all or a portion of the tribe's net income from gambling to individual tribal members. However, distributions of tribal money to individual members can only be done if approved by the Secretary of the Interior, following criteria set forth in IGRA.
Money received by individual members of the tribes is fully subject to federal income tax. Without question, Native American reservations have some of the highest rates of poverty, unemployment, welfare dependency, school dropout, alcoholism, and other indicators of poverty and social distress of any communities in the U.
Many are located in remote areas with little indigenous economic activity. Given this background, it is not surprising that gambling has been seized upon by many tribes, as it is one of the few proven and available means of generating income for them.
The prospect of sudden wealth after seemingly endless poverty has given the disputes an element of emotional immediacy that the complex and intransigent constitutional issues themselves probably would lack.
The issue of economic benefit is further complicated by the fact that much of this accrues not to the tribes or their members but to outside individuals, such as non-Indian locals who usually comprise the overwhelming majority of workers in Indian casinos, and the non-Indian corporations which are the usual operators of the casinos.
Under federal law, the individual states have little or no authority over Indian reservations, including the ability to tax or regulate gambling or any other activity.
For example, state officials, including the police, cannot exercise their authority on a reservation without tribal permission. Although in theory the several states can ban any form of gambling throughout their territory, in practice the lack of authority of state officials over reservations makes enforcement difficult there.
Because the Supreme Court's decision in Cabazon threatened to create islands of virtually unregulated gambling throughout the U.
Other issues may be included. For example, states have typically required tribes to surrender any outstanding land claims in return for approving the compact.
This measure has produced controversy of its own. Some states have been accused of using this proviso to prevent the opening of all or some specific type of gaming facilities, both on and off reservations, either by refusing to negotiate with the tribes, or by allegedly presenting unreasonable conditions.
For their part, some tribes do not want their gambling activities to be restricted at all by any state, however accommodating it may in fact be.
The Interior Department recently announced a plan to give the Secretary of the Interior the power to bypass those state governments which have not negotiated "in good faith" and directly grant permission to any Indian tribe petitioning to open a gambling facility.
This proposed measure has drawn strong protests from several states and raises important issues concerning state and federal constitutional law.
This measure is separate from the subject of current investigations into possible campaign finance irregularities in involving Indian casinos.
Indian gaming also directly concerns both the legal and actual power of the federal and states governments to regulate economic and social activities.
States may be powerless to prevent gambling activities on reservations that the citizens and legislature of the state have decided to ban or to regulate, and the federal government may be unwilling or unable to assist this effort.
This far-from-abstract question has entered another level this year with the opening by the Coeur d'Alene tribe in Idaho of a site on the Internet for gambling, the first in the U.
This innovation promises to test all sorts of issues, including the ability of state and federal governments to regulate the Internet.
As the name U. Lottery indicates, this is billed as a national lottery, available not only on the Internet but also over the phone.
A series of additional games are planned for the site. Many states ban gambling advertising and gambling on out-of-state operations or even any form of gambling , and a coalition of state attorneys general immediately filed suit to block its operations on the Internet, but this has not prevented the Coeur d'Alene tribe from continuing its operations or changed its plans to expand.
A recurring theme is fairness: Non-Indian casino operators, for example, claim that Indian casinos have an unfair advantage, as the former are far more heavily regulated and taxed by both the state and federal governments than are the latter.
Although tribal victories over the governmental and cultural oppression in the s yielded a dynamic transformation, economic success fell short in comparison.
Their strides were spotty and fluctuated greatly from each Native reservation. This was happening because, for most tribes, their lands were not economically productive, infrastructure was poor, and they were far away from prospering markets of large populations.
In order to address the issue of poverty, Native tribes were required to fuel some type of economic development.
Natives sold some of their tribal land to prospecting non-Natives in order to stimulate economic growth, but tribal gaming has proved to be the single largest source of income in the Native community.
However, the United States government intervened in tribal affairs throughout the rise of Native gaming. Many tribal governments have seen substantial improvements in their ability to provide public services to their members, such as building schools, improving infrastructure, and shoring up the loss of native traditions.
Tribal gaming operations have not been without controversy, however. A small number of tribes have been able to distribute large per-capita payments, generating considerable public attention.
Additionally, the national expansion of Native gaming has led to a practice critics call reservation shopping. However, although authorized by the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act, only three "off-reservation" casinos have been built to date.
The IGWG's purpose is to identify resources to address the most pressing criminal violations in the area of Native gaming. This group consists of representatives from a variety of FBI subprograms i.
The IGWG meets monthly to review Native gaming cases deemed to have a significant impact on the Native gaming industry. As a result of these meetings, several investigations have been initiated and the IGWG, through its member agencies, has provided financial resources, travel funds, liaison assistance, personnel resources, coordination assistance and consultation.
In order to properly detect the presence of illegal activity in the Native gaming industry, law enforcement offices with jurisdiction in Native gaming violations should:.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Redirected from Indian casinos. For gambling in India, see Gambling in India.
Tribal sovereignty in the United States. Indian Gaming Regulatory Act. Impact of Native American gaming. National Indian Gaming Commission.
Archived from the original PDF on Washburn, "The Legacy of Bryan v. Wicazo Sa Review , 12 1 , John Wiley and Sons. Evidence of Recession and Recovery".
Atlas of The North American Indian. Landscape Traveled by Coyote and Crane: The World of the Schitsu'umsh. University of Washington Press; Paper edition.
Game of Delicate Balance". Park Place Entertainment, F. Retrieved 18 January Rights of Native Americans in the United States. M'Intosh Cherokee Nation v.
Georgia Worcester v. Georgia Fellows v. Blacksmith New York ex rel. Dibble Standing Bear v. Wilkins Seneca Nation of Indians v.
Christy Talton v. Mayes Lone Wolf v. Hitchcock United States v. Santa Fe Pacific Railroad Co. United States Williams v. Lee Federal Power Commission v.
Tuscarora Indian Nation Menominee Tribe v. United States McClanahan v. County of Oneida Bryan v. Itasca County United States v. Antelope Santa Clara Pueblo v.
Martinez Merrion v. Jicarilla Apache Tribe Solem v. Bartlett County of Oneida v. Catawba Indian Tribe, Inc. Irving Mississippi Band of Choctaw Indians v.
Holyfield Duro v. Reina South Dakota v. Bourland Idaho v. Coeur d'Alene Tribe of Idaho Idaho v. United States United States v.
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